| Race |
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| Classification |
| Genetics |
| Group differences |
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Category: Race
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Studies of race in Brazil are often brought up as examples showing that the concept of "race" is a social construct,[1] and that what is understood as "race" in one society is not the same that is understood as such in another.
Brazilian society is made up of a confluence of people of several different origins, from the original Indians, with the influx of Portuguese colonizers,[2] Black African slaves,[2] and recent European,[2] Arab and Japanese immigration. Other significant groups include Koreans, Chinese, Paraguayans and Bolivians.
In the 19th and 20th century Brazilian culture has promoted racial integration and mixing.[3] However, race relations in Brazil have not been without turbulence, especially in relation to the disadvantageous role of Black and Native Brazilians, groups severely exploited in the country's colonial past that tend to occupy least prestigious positions in modern society.
The Brazilian population was formed by the influx of Portuguese settlers and African, mostly Bantu and West African populations[4](such as the Yoruba, Ewe, and Fanti-Ashanti) slaves into a territory originally inhabited by various indigenous populations, mainly Tupi, Guarani and Ge[5] In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, in what is known as Great Immigration,[6] new groups arrived, mainly of Portuguese, Italian, Spanish and German origin, but also from Japan, the Middle East, and Eastern Europe.[7]
When the Portuguese reached what is now called Brazil in 1500, its native population was probably composed of about 2.5 million Amerindians.[8] Up to 1532, the Portuguese made no real effort to colonise the land, limiting to the establishment of “feitorias” to organise the trade of brazilwood.[9] When it became clear that this policy would result in the land being taken by other European powers – namely the French and the Dutch – the Portuguese Crown decided to effectively occupy the territory by fostering agricultural activities – especially sugarcane crops – in Brazil.[10] This resulted not only in the growth of the population of Portuguese origin, but also in the introduction of African slavery in Brazil.[10]
The population, however, only boosted in the 18th century, as a result of the discovery of gold and diamonds in the region known as Minas Gerais, which prompted massive populational movements from Portugal – as well as increased slave trafficking – to Brazil.
During the colonial period, the Portuguese prohibited any influx of other Europeans to Brazil.[11] In consequence, the Portuguese and their descendants constituted the overwhelming majority of the White population of colonial Brazil.[12] However, in the Southern Brazilian areas disputed between Portugal and Spain, a genetic study suggests that the predominant genomic ancestry of the Brazilian Gaúchos (inhabitants of the Pampas) may be Spanish, not Portuguese.[13][14] Also a small number of Dutch settlers remained in the Northeast after the Portuguese retook Dutch Brazil[15] and may have contributed to the demographic composition of Northeastern Brazil.[16]
Only in the 19th century, whence the colonial relation between Brazil and Portugal changed and the polity was renamed “United Kingdom of Portugal, Brazil and Algarves”, was the immigration of non-Portuguese allowed. Even then, however, and even after the country’s independence in 1822, immigration to Brazil was mainly Portuguese, though a significant number of German immigrants settled in the Southern region.[7]
In the mid-century, the crisis of the slave-based production in Brazil prompted the Brazilian elites to find new solutions for the work force needed for the expansion of Brazilian agriculture – especially the growing sector of coffee culture in São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro.
Brazilian demographics were strongly modified, in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, by European immigration. Brazilian immigration policy was closely connected to the so-called “questão da mão-de-obra” (workforce issue), and planters’ concerns about how to replace the slave workforce; the reasons why the slaves were not simply transformed into free workers are a point of contention. As a result, the Brazilian government sought to attract European immigrants.
Combined with the European demographic crisis, this resulted in the immigration of about 5 million people, mostly European peasants, in the last quarter of the 19th century and first half of the 20th. The majority of these immigrants were either Portuguese or Italian (about 1,500,000 each), though significant numbers of Spaniards - which possibly include Portuguese emigrating from Vigo on false passports[17] - (690,000), Germans (250,000), Japanese (170,000), Middle Easterns (100,000, mostly people from what are now Syria and Lebanon arriving on Turkish passports), and Eastern Europeans (mostly Poles and Ukrainians arriving on Russian passports) also immigrated.[7]
There are few reliable statistics on the Brazilian population before the 1872 census, which counted 9,930,478, of which 3,787,289 Whites, 1,954,452 Blacks, and 4,188,737 pardos.[18] These figures do not yet reflect the influx of the five million immigrants mentioned above, since up to 1872 only about 270,000 immigrants had arrived in Brazil.[19] According to Judicael Clevelário's calculations, the total population of immigrant origin in 1872 would be of about 240,000 people;[20] consequently, the total White population of non-immigrant origin for that year would be of about 3,540,000 people at least.
The White proportion of the population increased rapidly between 1872 and 1940, mainly because of immigration, but also because the growth rate of the Black and parda population, which was very low during slavery, remained below the national average for some time after abolition.
| Immigration to Brazil, by national origin, periods from 1830 to 1933 |
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| Origin | 1830–1855 | 1856–1883 | 1884–1893 | 1894–1903 | 1904–1913 | 1914–1923 | 1924–1933 | |||
| Portuguese | 16,737 | 116,000 | 170,621 | 155,542 | 384,672 | 201,252 | 233,650 | |||
| Italians | — | 100,000 | 510,533 | 537,784 | 196,521 | 86,320 | 70,177 | |||
| Spaniards | — | — | 113,116 | 102,142 | 224,672 | 94,779 | 52,405 | |||
| Germans | 2,008 | 30,000 | 22,778 | 6,698 | 33,859 | 29,339 | 61,723 | |||
| Japanese | — | — | — | — | 11,868 | 20,398 | 110,191 | |||
| Syrians and Lebanese | — | — | 96 | 7,124 | 45,803 | 20,400 | 20,400 | |||
| Others | — | — | 66,524 | 42,820 | 109,222 | 51,493 | 164,586 | |||
There seems to be no easy explanation of why slaves were not employed as wage workers at the abolition of slavery. One possibility is the influence of race-based ideas from the second half of the 19th century and early 20th century, which were based in the pseudo-scientific belief of the superiority of the "White race". On the other hand, Brazilian latifundiaries had been using slave manpower for centuries, with no complaints about the quality of this workforce, and there were not important changes in Brazilian economy or work processes that could justify such sudden preoccupation with the "race" of the labourers. Their embracing of those new racist ideas, moreover, proved quite flexible, even opportunist: with the slow down of Italian immigration since 1902 and the Prinetti Decree, Japanese immigration started in 1908, with any qualms about their non-Whiteness being quickly forgotten.
An important, and usually ignored, part of this equation was the political situation in Brazil, during the final crisis of slavery. According to Petrônio Domingues, by 1887 the slave struggles pointed to a real possibility of widespread insurrection. On October 23, in São Paulo, for instance, there were violent confrontations between the police and rioting Blacks, who chanted "long life freedom" and "death to the slaveowners".[21] The president of the province, Rodrigues Alves, reported the situation as following:
Uprisings erupted in Itu, Campinas, Indaiatuba, Amparo, Piracicaba and Capivari; ten thousand fugitive slaves grouped in Santos. Flights were happening in daylight, guns were spotted among the fugitives, who, instead of hiding from police, seemed ready to engage in confrontation.
It was as a response to such events that, on May 13, 1888, slavery was abolished, as a means to restore order and the control of the ruling class,[23] in a situation in which the slave system was almost completely disorganised.
As an abolitionist newspaper, O Rebate, put it, ten years later,
Another factor, also usually neglected, is the fact that, regardless of the racial notions of the Brazilian elite, European populations were emigrating in great numbers - to the United States, to Argentina, to Uruguay - which African populations certainly weren't doing, at that time. In this respect, what was new in "immigration to Brazil" was not the "immigration", but the "to Brazil" part. As Wilson do Nascimento Barbosa puts it,
As the Brazilian elites perceived the oncoming abolition of slavery as a problem, various alternatives were discussed. While very few remained stuck with the idea of preserving slavery, some proposed the reintegration of "national workers" (which was understood as including the soon-to-be former slaves) into a "free-labour" system; others proposed Chinese immigration. It was against these positions, not against any imaginary African immigration, that racial arguments were made. So, besides a dispute "immigrantists" and "anti-immigrantists", there was also a debate between pro-Chinese and pro-European immigrantists; the latter also were divided between those, like Nicolau Moreira, who defended not only European immigration, but also a land reform, so to attract immigrants as small farmers, and those who wanted immigrants as wage labourers for the plantations.
In Brazil, particularly in São Paulo, the dominant idea was that national workers were unable to develop the country, and that only foreign workers would be able to work in a regime of "free" (i.e., wage) labour. The goal was to "whiten" Brazil through new immigrants and through future miscegenation in which former slaves would disappear by becoming “whiter”.[26]
In 1878, ten years before the abolition of slavery, Rio de Janeiro hosted the Congresso Agrícola (Agricultural Congress) and that meeting reflected what the Brazilian elite (especially coffee planters) expected from their future workers.[27] Although national workers were an option to some of the participants, especially to those not from São Paulo, most of them, under the lead of coffee planters from São Paulo, agreed that only immigration would be good to Brazil,[28] and, moreover, European immigration. The Congresso Agrícola showed that the elite was convinced that Europeans were racially and culturally superior to other “races”.
Although discussions were situated in a theoretical field, immigrants arrived and colonies were founded through all this period (the rule of Pedro II), especially from 1850 on, particularly in the Southeast and Southern Brazil.
These discussions culminated in the Decree 528 in 1890, signed by Brazil's first President Deodoro da Fonseca, which opened the national harbors to immigration except for Africans and Asians. This decree remained valid until October 5, 1892 when, due to pressures of coffee planters interested in cheap manpower, it was overturned by Law 97.[29]
As a result of those discussions and policies, Brazil experienced immigration mostly from countries such as Italy, Germany, Spain, Portugal and Poland during the end of the empire and the beginning of the republic period (late 19th and early 20th century). Later immigration, from 1908 on, was not so much influenced by that race discussions and Brazil attracted, besides Europeans, more immigrants from Lebanon, Syria and Japan, for example.
The Brazilian government, as was commonplace at that time, endorsed positions expressed by Brazilian intellectuals. An example is a text, written by Oliveira Vianna, that was issued as introductory material to 1920 Census results. Many pages of Vianna's work were dedicated to the discussion of a "pure race" of white Brazilians. According to the text, written by Oliveira Vianna, the first Portuguese colonists who came to Brazil were part of the blond Germanic nobility that ruled Portugal, while the dark-haired "poor" Portuguese only came to Brazil later, in the 17th and especially the 18th century.[30]
According to Oliveira Vianna, the blond Portuguese of Germanic origin were "restless and migratory", and that's why they emigrated to Brazil. On the other hand, the Portuguese of darker complexions were of Celtic or Iberian origin and came when the Portuguese settlement in Brazil was already well established, because, according to him, "The peninsular brachyoids, of Celtic race, or the dolicoides, of Iberian race, of sedentary habits and peaceful nature, did not have, of course, that mobility nor that bellicosity nor that spirit of adventure and conquest".[30]
The text reported the different levels of intelligence found among blacks and highlights the existence of "lazy blacks" (Gêgis and Angolans) or "laborious blacks" (Timinins, Minas, Dahomeyanos) and also the existence of "peaceful and obedient blacks" and of "rebels and fierce" ones. Vianna also compares the "morality" and intellectual level found among blacks and reports that Gêgis, Krumanos and Cabindas revealed the "mental inferiority, typical from the lowest types of the black race".[30]
In 1933, Brazilian anthropologist Gilberto Freyre published his famous book Casa-Grande & Senzala (English: The Masters and the Slaves). The book appeared in a moment that it there was a widespread belief, among social scientists, that some races were superior to other ones and in the same period of the rise of the Nazi Party in Germany. Freyre's work was very important to change the mentality, especially of the white Brazilian elite, who considered the Brazilian people as "inferior" because of their African and Amerindian ancestry. In this book, Freyre refuted the idea that Brazil would have an "inferior race" because of the race-mixing.
Then, he pointed the positive elements that permeate the Brazilian cultural formation because of miscegenation (especially between Portuguese, Indians and blacks). Freyre's book has changed the mentality in Brazil, and the mixing of races, then, became a reason to be a national pride. However, Freyre's book created the Brazilian myth of the Racial democracy, so that Brazil was a "post-racial" country without racism. This theory was later challenged by several anthropologists who claim that, despite the race-mixing, the "white" Brazilian population still occupies the top of the Brazilian society, while Blacks, Indians and mixed-race people are largely found in the poor population.
The life of Gilberto Freyre, after he published Casa Grande & Senzala, became an eternal source of explanation. He repeated several times that he did not create the myth of a racial democracy and that the fact that his books recognized the intense mixing between "races" in Brazil did not mean a lack of prejudice or discrimination. He pointed out that many people have claimed the United States to have been an "exemplary democracy" whereas slavery and racial segregation were present throughout most of the history of the United States.[31]
"The interpretation of those who want to place me among the sociologists or anthropologists who said prejudice of race among the Portuguese or the Brazilians never existed is extreme. What I have always suggested is that such prejudice is minimal (...) when compared to that which is still in place elsewhere, where laws still regulate relations between Europeans and other groups".
"It is not that racial prejudice or social prejudice related to complexion are absent in Brazil. They exist. But no one here would have thought of "white-only" Churches. No one in Brazil would have thought of laws against interracial marriage (...) Fraternal spirit is stronger among Brazilians than racial prejudice, colour, class or religion. It is true that equality has not been reached since the end of slavery (...) There was racial prejudice among plantation owners, there was social distance between the masters and the slaves, between whites and blacks (...) But few wealthy Brazilians were as concerned with racial purity as the majority were in the Old South". [31]
A persistent Brazilian myth is the idea that, while there may have been racism in Brazil, here, contrary to what happened in the United States or South Africa, it was never enshrined in legislation. Such idea has been propagated even by progressist, anti-racist intellectuals as Darcy Ribeiro, who mistakenly holds that in Brazil, "miscegenation was never a crime or a sin". The myth of a purely informal racism is however false;[32] there was plenty of racist legislation in Brazil, even though it never acquired the systematic character of American or South African apartheid regimes.
During the colonial period, discriminatory laws were commonplace. Non-Whites were banned from the goldsmith craft (1621). In São Paulo, non-Whites were forbidden, under the penalty of prison, from using guns (1713). Descendants of Jews, Moors, Blacks, as well as those married to women of such extractions, were banned from public offices (1671). Blacks and mulattos were forbidden from "dressing as Whites" (1745). The arrival of the Royal family didn't change this: when a provincial militia was formed in Rio Grande do Sul, it was established that the members should be "White", this being defined as "those whose grand-grandparents were not Black, and whose parents were free-born" (1809). Nor did this change with independence: a complementary law to the 1824 Constitution forbade "Blacks and lepers" from being instructed in schools. Brazilian troops were segregated until the fall of the Empire.[33]
On July 28, 1921, representatives Andrade Bezerra and Cincinato Braga proposed a law whose Article 1 provided: "It is prohibited in Brazil immigration of individuals from the black race." On October 22, 1923, representative Fidélis Reis produced another project of law on the entry of immigrants, whose fifth article was as follows: 'It is prohibited the entry of settlers from the black race in Brazil and, to Asians, it will be allowed each year, a number equal to 5% of those existing in the country.(...)'. Both bills were decried as racist and rejected by the Brazilian Congress.[34]
In 1945, the Brazilian government issued a decree favoring the entrance of European immigrants in the country: "In the admission of immigrants, the need to preserve and develop, in the ethnic composition of the population, the more convenient features of their European ancestry shall be considered".[35]
The degree of miscegenation in Brazil has been very high, as Brazil was colonized by male Portuguese adventurers who tended to procreate with Amerindian and African women.[36][37] This made possible a myth of "racial democracy" that tends to obscure a widespread discrimination connected to certain aspects of physical appearance:[38] aspects related to the concept of cor (literally "colour"), used in a way that is roughly equivalent to the English term "race" but based on a combination of skin colour, hair type, and shape of nose and lips. It is possible for siblings to belong to different "colour" categories.[39] So a "White" Brazilian is a person perceived and socially accepted as "White", regardless of ancestry or sometimes even immediate family.[40]
While miscegenation has been one factor leading to a Brazilian population with features ranging from the stereotypically African to the stereotypically European, a second has been "assortative mating". The genome of the first generation offspring of European fathers and African mothers was 50% European and 50% African, but the distribution of the genes that affect relevant features (skin colour, hair type, lip shape, nose shape) was random. Those of the second generation with features considered closer to a "White" stereotype would have tended to procreate with others like themselves, while those considered closer to "Black" would also have tended to procreate among themselves; in the long term producing "White" and "Black" groups with surprisingly similar proportions of European and African ancestry.[41]
Miscegenation has also been intense between immigrants and their descendants and the previous inhabitants of the country.
The Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE), that conducts censuses in Brazil since 1940, racially classifies the Brazilian population in five categories: white, black, pardo (brown), yellow, and indigenous. As in international practice,[42] individuals are asked to self identify within these categories.
The following are the results for the different Brazilian censuses, since 1872:
| Brazilian Population, by Race, from 1872 to 20001 (Census Data) | ||||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Race or Colour | White | Black | pardos | caboclos | Yellow (Asian) | Indigenous | Undeclared | Total |
| 18722 | 3,787,289 | 1,954,452 | 3,801,782 | 386,955 | - | - | - | 9,930,478 |
| 1890 | 6,302,198 | 2,097,426 | 4,638,4963 | 1,295,7953 | - | - | - | 14,333,915 |
| 1940 | 26,171,778 | 6,035,869 | 8,744,3654 | - | 242,320 | - | 41,983 | 41,236,315 |
| 1950 | 32,027,661 | 5,692,657 | 13,786,742 | - | 329,082 | -5 | 108,255 | 51,944,397 |
| 1960 | 42,838,639 | 6,116,848 | 20,706,431 | - | 482,848 | -6 | 46,604 | 70,191,370 |
| 1980 | 64,540,467 | 7,046,906 | 46,233,531 | - | 672,251 | - | 517,897 | 119,011,052 |
| 1991 | 75,704,927 | 7,335,136 | 62,316,064 | - | 630,656 | 294,135 | 534,878 | 146,521,661 |
| 2000 | 91,298,042 | 10,554,336 | 65,318,092 | - | 761,583 | 734,127 | 1,206,675 | 169,872,856 |
^1 The 1900, 1920, and 1970 censuses did not count people for "race".
^2 In the 1872 census, people were counted based on self-declaration, except for slaves, who were classified by their owners.[43]
^3 The 1872 and 1890 censuses counted "caboclos" (White-Amerindian mixed race people) apart.[44] In the 1890 census, the category "pardo" was replaced with "mestiço".[44] Figures for 1890 are available at the IBGE site.[45]
^4 In the 1940 Census, people were asked for their "colour or race"; if the answer was not "White", "Black", or "Yellow", interviewers were instructed to fill the "colour or race" box with a slash. These slashs were later summed up in the category "pardo". In practice this means answers such as "pardo", "moreno", "mulato", "caboclo", etc.[46]
^5 In the 1950 Census, the category "pardo" was included on its own. Amerindians were counted as "pardos".[47]
^6 The 1960 Census adopted a similar system, again explicitly including Amerindians as "pardos".[48]
According to the 2008 PNAD,[49] the Brazilian population is composed by:
"In a classic article published 30 years ago, the anthropologist Charles Wagley (1965) showed that the conception of 'race' in the Americas admits of several definitions according to the weight granted to descent, physical appearance (itself not confined to skin colour), and to sociocultural status (occupation, income, education, region of origin, etc.), depending on the history of intergroup relations and conflicts in the different geographic zones. Americans in the USA are alone in defining `race' strictly on the basis of descent, and this only in the case of African-Americans: one is `black' in Chicago, Los Angeles or Atlanta, not by skin colour but for having one or more ancestors identified as blacks, that is to say, at the end of the regression, as slaves. The USA is the only modern society to apply the 'one drop rule' and the principle of `hypodescent', according to which the children of a mixed union and themselves automatically assigned to the inferior group - here the blacks, and only them. In Brazil, racial identity is defined by reference to a continuum of `colour', that is, by use of a flexible or fuzzy principle which, taking account of physical traits such as skin colour, the texture of hair, and the shape of lips and nose, and of class position (notably income and education), generates a large number of intermediate and partly overlapping categories (over a hundred of them were recorded by the 1980 Census) and does not entail radical ostracization or a stigmatization without recourse or remedy. Evidence for this is provided by the segregation indices sported by Brazilian cities, strikingly lower than those for US metropolitan areas, and the virtual absence of the two typically US forms of ethnoracial violence: lynching and urban rioting (see Telles, 1995; Reid, 1992). Quite the opposite in the USA where there exists no socially and legally recognized category of 'métis' (people of mixed-race) (Davis, 1991; Williamson, 1980). In this case we are faced with a division that is closer to that between definitively defined and delimited castes (proof is the exceptionally low rate of intermarriage: fewer than 2 percent of African- American women contract `mixed' unions, as against about half of the women of Latino or Asian origin): a caste division that one strives to conceal by submerging it within the universe of differentiating visions `revisioned' through US lenses by means of `globalization'. How are we to account for the fact that 'theories' of 'race relations' which are but thinly conceptualized transfigurations, endlessly refurbished and updated to suit current concerns, of the most commonly used racial stereotypes that are themselves only primary justifications of the domination of whites over blacks in one society, could be tacitly (and sometimes explicitly) raised to the status of universal standard whereby every situation of ethnic domination must be analysed and measured?The fact that this racial (or racist) sociodicy was able to `globalize' itself over the recent period, thereby losing its outer characteristics of legitimating discourse for domestic or local usage, is undoubtedly one of the most striking proofs of the symbolic dominion and influence exercised by the USA over every kind scholarly and, especially, semi-scholarly production, notably through the power of consecration they possess and through the material and symbolic profits that researchers in the dominated countries reap from a more or less assumed or ashamed adherence to the model derived from the USA.
But all these mechanisms which have the effect of facilitating the actual `globalization' of American problems, thereby verifying the Americano-centric belief in `globalization' understood, quite simply, as the Americanization of the Western world and, through outward expansion, of the entire universe, these mechanisms are not enough to explain the tendency of the American worldview, scholarly or semi-scholarly, to impose itself as a universal point of view, especially when it comes to issues, such as that of 'race', where the particularity of the American situation is particularly flagrant and particularly far from being exemplary.
One would obviously need to invoke here also the driving role played by the major American philanthropic and research foundations in the diffusion of the US racial doxa within the Brazilian academic field at the level of both representations and practices. Thus, the Rockefeller Foundation and similar organizations fund a programme on `Race and Ethnicity' at the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro as well as the Centre for Afro-Asiatic Studies of the Candido Mendes University (and its journal Estudos Afro-Asiaticos) so as to encourage exchanges of researchers and students. But the intellectual current flows in one direction only. And, as a condition for its aid, the Rockefeller Foundation requires that research teams meet US criteria of `affirmative action', which poses insuperable problems since, as we have seen, the application of the white/black dichotomy in Brazilian society is, to say the least, hazardous. Alongside the role of philanthropic foundations, we must finally include the internationalization of academic publishing among the factors that have contributed to the diffusion of `US thought' in the social sciences. The growing integration of the publishing of English-language academicbooks (nowadays sold, often by the same houses, in the USA, in the different countries of the former British Commonwealth, but also in the smaller, polyglot, nations of the European Union such as Sweden and the Netherlands, and in the societies most directly exposed to American cultural domination) and the erosion of the boundary between academic and trade publishing have helped encourage the putting into circulation of terms, themes and tropes with strong (real or hoped for) market appeal which, in turn, owe their power of attraction simply to the fact of their very wide diffusion. For example, Basil Blackwell, the large, half-commercial and half-academic publishing house (what the Anglo-Saxons call a `crossover press'), does not hesitate to impose titles on its authors which are in accord with this new planetary common sense which it contributes to forging under the guise of echoing it".Pierre Bourdieu and Loïc Wacquant [50]
As the IBGE itself acknowledges, these categories are disputed, and most of the population dislikes and does not identify with them.[51] Most Brazilians see “Indígena” as a cultural rather than racial term, and don’t describe as such if they are part of the mainstream Brazilian culture; many Brazilians would prefer to self-describe as “morenos” (literally, “tanned” or “brunettes”);[52] some Black and parda people, more identified with the Brazilian Black movement, would prefer to self-describe as “Negro” as an inclusive category containing pardos and pretos;[53] and if allowed to choose any classification, Brazilians will give almost 200 different answers.[54]
According to the American scholar Edward Telles,[55] in Brazil there are three different systems related to "racial classification" along the White-Black continuous.[56] The first is the Census System, which distinguishes three categories: "branco" (White), "pardo", and "preto" (Black).[57] The second is the popular system that uses many different categories, including the ambiguous term "moreno"[58] (literally, "tanned", "brunette", or "with an olive complexion").[59] The third is the Black movement system that distinguishes only two categories, summing up "pardos" and "pretos" as "negros".[60] More recently, the term "afrodescendente" has been brought into use.[61]
The first system referred by Telles is that of the IBGE. In the census, respondents choose their race or color in five categories: branca (white), parda (brown), preta (black), amarela (yellow) or indígena (indigenous). The term "parda" needs further explanation; it has been systematically used since the census of 1940. People were then asked for their "colour or race"; if the answer was not "White", "Black", or "Yellow", interviewers were instructed to fill the "colour or race" box with a slash. These slashes were later summed up in the category "pardo". In practice this means answers such as "pardo", "moreno", "mulato", and "caboclo". In the following censuses, "pardo" became a category on its own, and included Amerindians,[47] which became a separate category only in 1991. So it is a term that describes people who have a skin darker than Whites and lighter than Blacks, but not necessarily implies a White-Black mixture.
Telles' second system is that of popular classification. Two IBGE surveys (the 1976 PNAD and the July 1998 PME) have sought to understand the way Brazilians think of themselves in "racial" terms, with the explicit aim of adjusting the census classification (neither, however, resulted in actual changes in the census). Besides that, Data Folha has also conducted research on this subject. The results of these surveys are somewhat varied, but seem to coincide in some fundamental aspects. First, there is an enormous variety of "racial" terms in use in Brazil; when Brazilians are inquired in an open ended question, from 135 to 500 different race-color terms may be brought. The 1976 PNAD found 136 different answers to the question about race;[62] the July 1998 PME found 143.[63] However, most of these terms are used by very small minorities. Telles remarks that 95% of the population chose only six different terms (branco, moreno, pardo, moreno-claro, preto and negro); Petrucelli shows that the 7 most common responses (the above plus amarela) sum up 97%, and the 10 more common (the previous plus mulata, clara, and morena-escura) make 99%.[64]
Petrucelli, analysing the July 98 PME, finds that 77 denominations were mentioned by only one person in the sample. Other 12 are misunderstandings, referring to national or regional origin (francesa, italiana, baiana, cearense). Many of the "racial" terms are (or could be) remarks about the relation between skin colour and exposure to sun (amorenada, bem morena, branca-morena, branca-queimada, corada, bronzeada, meio morena, morena-bronzeada, morena-trigueira, morenada, morenão, moreninha, pouco morena, queimada, queimada de sol, tostada, rosa queimada, tostada). Others are clearly variations of the same idea (preto, negro, escuro, crioulo, retinto, for Black, alva, clara, cor-de-leite, galega, rosa, rosada, pálida, for White, parda, mulata, mestiça, mista, for "parda"), or precisions of the same concept (branca morena, branca clara), and can actually grouped together with one of the main racial terms without falsifying the interpretation.[64] Some seem to express an outright refusal of classification: azul-marinho (navy blue), azul (blue), verde (green), cor-de-burro-quando-foge (literally, "the color of a donkey when it runs away", a Portuguese humorous term for an undefined color).
Petrucelli grouped those 136 terms into 28 wider categories.[65] Most of these 28 wider categories can be situated in the White-Black continuum when the answers to the open-ended question are compared to the answers in the IBGE format:
| Category | Frequency | White | ”parda” | Black | Amerindian | Yellow | Total | difference between White and Black | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| branca (White) | 54.28% | 98,96% | 0,73% | 0,11% | 0,07% | 0,14% | 100,00% | 98,85 | |
| loira (Blonde) | 0.05% | 95,24% | 0,00% | 4,76% | 0,00% | 0,00% | 100,00% | 90,48 | |
| brasileira (Brazilian) | 0.12% | 91,20% | 6,05% | 2,27% | 0,00% | 0,47% | 100,00% | 88,93 | |
| branca + (adjectivated White) | 0.14% | 86,47% | 9,62% | 0,00% | 3,91% | 0,00% | 100,00% | 86,47 | |
| clara (of light colour) | 0.78% | 86,40% | 11,93% | 0,35% | 0,14% | 1,18% | 100,00% | 86,05 | |
| galega (Galician) | 0.01% | 70,99% | 19,78% | 0,00% | 0,00% | 9,23% | 100,00% | 70,99 | |
| castanha (Brown) | 0.01% | 63,81% | 36,19% | 0,00% | 0,00% | 0,00% | 100,00% | 63,81 | |
| morena clara (light Morena) | 2.92% | 38,35% | 57,12% | 1,46% | 2,27% | 0,81% | 100,00% | 36,89 | |
| jambo | 0.02% | 14,47% | 77,96% | 2,39% | 5,18% | 0,00% | 100,00% | 12,08 | |
| morena | 20.89% | 13,75% | 76,97% | 6,27% | 2,62% | 0,38% | 100,00% | 7,48 | |
| mestiça, mista (miscigenated, mixed) | 0.08% | 17,29% | 59,44% | 14,96% | 7,60% | 0,70% | 100,00% | 2,33 | |
| parda (Brown) | 10.40% | 1,03% | 97,25% | 1,40% | 0,21% | 0,10% | 100,00% | -0,37 | |
| sarará | 0.04% | 9,09% | 60,14% | 23,25% | 0,00% | 7,53% | 100,00% | -14,16 | |
| canela (of the colour of cinammon) | 0.01% | 11,13% | 57,55% | 26,45% | 4,87% | 0,00% | 100,00% | -15,32 | |
| mulata (Mulatto) | 0.81% | 1,85% | 71,53% | 25,26% | 1,37% | 0,00% | 100,00% | -23,41 | |
| marrom, chocolate (Brown, chocolate) | 0.03% | 4,56% | 57,30% | 38,14% | 0,00% | 0,00% | 100,00% | -33,58 | |
| morena escura (dark Morena) | 0.45% | 2,77% | 54,80% | 38,05% | 4,15% | 0,24% | 100,00% | -35,28 | |
| escura (of dark colour) | 0.38% | 0,59% | 16,32% | 81,67% | 1,42% | 0,00% | 100,00% | -81,08 | |
| negra (Black) | 3.14% | 0,33% | 6,54% | 92,62% | 0,50% | 0,02% | 100,00% | -92,29 | |
| preta (Black) | 4.26% | 0,37% | 1,73% | 97,66% | 0,17% | 0,06% | 100,00% | -97,29 |
The other categories, except, naturally, for "amarela" (Yellow) seem related to Amerindian "race":
| Category | Frequency | White | “parda” | Black | Amerindian | Yellow | Total | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| vermelha (Red) | 0.02% | 58,97 | 8,22 | 0,00 | 21,56 | 11,24 | 100,00 | |
| cafusa | 0.01% | 6,02 | 65,14 | 22,82 | 6,02 | 0,00 | 100,00 | |
| caboverde (Capeverdian) | 0.02% | 0,00 | 48,72 | 23,08 | 28,21 | 0,00 | 100,00 | |
| cabocla | 0.02% | 3,60 | 49,37 | 10,43 | 36,60 | 0,00 | 100,00 | |
| bugre (Indian) | 0.00% | 12,50 | 37,50 | 0,00 | 50,00 | 0,00 | 100,00 | |
| amarela (Yellow) | 1.11% | 3,27 | 0,98 | 0,24 | 0,15 | 95,36 | 100,00 | |
| indígena (Indigenous) | 0.13% | 0,44 | 2,12 | 0,00 | 96,13 | 1,30 | 100,00 |
The remarkable difference of the popular system is the use of the term "moreno". This is actually difficult to translate into English, and carries a few different meanings. Derived from Latin maurus, meaning inhabitant of Mauritania,[66] traditionally it is used as a term to distinguish White people with dark hair, as opposed to "ruivo" (redhead) and "loiro" (blonde).[67] It is also commonly used as a term for people with an olive complexion, a characteristic that is often found in connection with dark hair.[68] In connection to this, it is used as a term for suntanned people, and is commonly opposed to "pálido" (pale) and "amarelo" (yellow), which in this case refer to people who aren't frequently exposed to sun. Finally, it is also often used as a euphemism for "pardo" and "preto".[69]
Finally, the Black movement system, in direct opposition to the popular system, groups "pardos" and "pretos" in a single category, "negro" (and not Afro-Brazilian).[70] This looks more similar to the American racial perception,[71] but there are some subtle differences. First, as other Brazilians, the Black movement understands that not everybody with some African descent is Black,[72] and that many or most White Brazilians indeed have African (or Amerindian, or both) ancestrals - so an "one drop rule" isn't what the Black movement envisages;[73] second, the main issue for the Black movement isn't "cultural", but rather economic: it is not a supposed cultural identification with Africa, but rather a situation of disavantage, common to those who are non-White (with the exception of those of East Asian ancestry) that groups them into a "negro" category.
Another important discussion is the relation between social class and "race" in Brazil. It is commonplace to say that, in Brazil, "money whitens".[74] There is a persistent belief, both in academy and popularly, that Brazilians from the wealthier classes with darker phenotypes tend to see themselves and be seen by others in lighter categories. Other things, such as dressing and social status, also influence perceptions of race.
However, some studies, focusing in the difference between self- and alter-classification show that this phenomenon is far more complex than "money whitens". For instance, according to a study conducted by Paula Miranda-Ribeiro and André Junqueira Caetano among women in Recife, while there is significant inconsistency between the "parda" and "preta" categories, most women are consistently classified by themselves and interviewers into "brancas" and non-brancas. 21,97% of women were consistently classified as White, and 55.13% of women were consistently classified as non-White, while 22.89% of women where inconsistently classified. But the inconsistently classified women reveal an important aspect of economic "whitening". "Self-darkening" women, i.e., those who view themselves as "pretas" or "pardas" but are classified as "brancas" by the interviewers (4.08% of women) have above average education, while the 18.82% "self-whitening" women have a low average education, lower indeed than that of consistently non-White women.[75]
This, assuming, that there is a correlation between wealth and education,[75] would show that, rather than "Brazilians from the wealthier classes with darker phenotypes seeing themselves and being seen by others in lighter categories", either wealth affects their perception by others, but does not affect, or at least affects considerably less, their self-perception, or that wealth in fact affects their self-perception in the opposite way: it is poor people who are more prone to self-whitening. This, naturally, contributes to show that self-classification in censuses is in fact more objective than alter-classification; but most importantly, it shows that economic differences between Whites and non-Whites effectively exist.
It is important to notice that the alter-classification in this survey was made by a group of college students, i.e., mostly middle class people.
There are important differences in social position concerning "races". These differences encompass income, education, housing, etc. According to the 2007 PNAD, White workers wages were almost twice those of Blacks and “pardos”. Blacks and “pardos” earned on average 1.8 minimum wages, while Whites averaged 3.4 minimum wages. These differences cannot be exclusively attributed to differences in education: among workers with over 12 years of study, Whites earned on average R$15.90 per hour, while Blacks and “pardos” made R$11.40.
Among the 1% wealthiest Brazilians, only 12% were Blacks or “pardos”, while Whites made 86.3% of the group. Among the 10% poorest 73.9% were Black or “pardos”, and 25.5% of whites.
13.4% of White Brazilians were graduated, compared to 4% of Blacks and “pardos”. 24.2% of Whites were studying in a college or university, compared to 8.4% of Blacks and “pardos”. In 2007, 57.9% of White students between 18 and 24 years old were attending one. However, only 25.4% of Black and “pardo” students of the same age group studied at the same level. In 2000, the illiteracy rate among White people over 5 years old was 10.87%; among Blacks, 23,23%, and among “pardos”, 21,09%.[76]
According to the 2007 Brazilian national resource, the white workers had an average monthly income almost twice that of blacks and pardos (brown). The blacks and brown earned on average 1.8 minimum wages, while the whites had a yield of 3.4 minimum wages. Among workers with over 12 years of study, the difference was also large. While the whites earned on average R$15.90 per hour, the blacks and brown received R$11.40, when they worked the same period. Among the 1% richest population of Brazil, only 12% were blacks and brown, while whites constituted 86.3% of the group. In the 10% poorest there were 73.9% of blacks and brown, and 25.5% of whites.
13.4% of white Brazilians were graduated, compared to 4% of blacks and brown. 24.2% of whites were studying in a College or University, compared to 8.4% of blacks and brown. In 2007, 57.9% of white students between 18 and 24 years old were attending a University or a College. However, only 25.4% of black and brown students of the same age group studied at the same level. Of just over 14 million illiterates in Brazil, nearly 9 million were black or pardo. The illiteracy rate among white people over 15 years old was 6.1%. Among blacks and brown of the same age group over 14%.[77]
Almost half of the Brazilian population (49.4%) is white. The brown form 42.3%, the black 7.4%, and the indigenous or "yellow", according to the IBGE, only 0.8%. The region with the highest proportion of brown is the north, with 68.3%. The population of the Northeast is composed of 8.5% of blacks, the largest proportion. In the South, 78.7% of the population is white.
Genetic research on ancestry of Brazilians of different races has extensively shown that, regardless of skin colour, Brazilians generally have European, African, and Amerindian ancestors.
According to a genetic study about Brazilians, on the paternal side, 98% of the White Brazilian Y Chromosome comes from a European male ancestor, only 2% from an African ancestor and there is a complete absence of Amerindian contributions. On the maternal side, 39% have a European Mitochondrial DNA, 33% Amerindian and 28% African MtDNA.[78] This analysis only shows a small fraction of a person's ancestry (the Y Chromosome comes from a single male ancestor and the mtDNA from a single female ancestor, while the contributions of the many other ancestors is not specified).,[79] but it shows that miscigenation in Brazil was directional, between Portuguese males and African and Amerindian females.
Analyzing Black Brazilians' Y chromosome, which comes from male ancestors through paternal line, it was concluded that half (50%) of the Black Brazilian population has at least one male ancestor who came from Europe, 48% has at least one male ancestor who came from Africa and 1.6% has at least one male ancestor who was Native American. Analyzing their mitochondrial DNA, that comes from female ancestors though maternal line, 85% of them have at least a female ancestor who came from Africa, 12.5% have at least a female ancestor who was Native Brazilian and only 2.5% have at least a female ancestor who came from Europe.[80][81]
As for the complete genetic ancestry of Brazilians, research has shown that it is predominantly European, even among non-White Brazilians. According to another study (autosomal DNA) conducted on a school in the poor periphery of Rio de Janeiro the "pardos" there were found to be on average over 80% European, and the "whites" (who thought of themselves as "very mixed") were found out to carry very little Amerindian and/or African admixtures. "The results of the tests of genomic ancestry are quite different from the self made estimates of European ancestry", say the researchers. In general, the test results showed that European ancestry is far more important than the students thought it would be. The "pardos" for example thought of themselves as 1/3 European, 1/3 African and 1/3 Amerindian before the tests, and yet their ancestry was determined to be at over 80% European. [82]
Another autosomal DNA study, from 2010, also focused on the autosomal contribution (which is about the sum of the ancestors of each individual, the overall picture), found out that almost 80% of the Brazilian genes are of European origin in all regions except in the South where it stands for 90% of them (regardless of census classification).[83] "Ancestry informative SNPs can be useful to estimate individual and population biogeographical ancestry. Brazilian population is characterized by a genetic background of three parental populations (European, African, and Brazilian Native Amerindians) with a wide degree and diverse patterns of admixture. In this work we analyzed the information content of 28 ancestry-informative SNPs into multiplexed panels using three parental population sources (African, Amerindian, and European) to infer the genetic admixture in an urban sample of the five Brazilian geopolitical regions. The SNPs assigned apart the parental populations from each other and thus can be applied for ancestry estimation in a three hybrid admixed population. Data was used to infer genetic ancestry in Brazilians with an admixture model. Pairwise estimates of F(st) among the five Brazilian geopolitical regions suggested little genetic differentiation only between the South and the remaining regions. Estimates of ancestry results are consistent with the heterogeneous genetic profile of Brazilian population, with a major contribution of European ancestry (0.771) followed by African (0.143) and Amerindian contributions (0.085). The described multiplexed SNP panels can be useful tool for bioanthropological studies but it can be mainly valuable to control for spurious results in genetic association studies in admixed populations." The samples came from free of charge paternity test takers, thus as the researchers made it explicit: "the paternity tests were free of charge, the population samples involved people of variable socioeconomic strata, although likely to be leaning slightly towards the ‘‘pardo’’ group".[84][85]
According to another different study (also autosomal DNA from 2009), European ancestry predominates in the Brazilian population. The Brazilians as a whole, from all regions, and of all complexions, would lie more closely to the European group than to the African populations or to the Mestizos from Mexico, from the genetical point of view.[86] This shows that the genotypes of individuals in a miscigenated population does not necessarily match their phenotype.
According to another autosomal DNA study from 2008, by the University of Brasília (UnB), European ancestry dominates in the whole of Brazil (in all regions), accounting for 65,90% of heritage of the population, followed by the African contribution (24,80%) and the Native American (9,3%).[87]
An autosomal study from 2011 (with nearly almost 1000 samples from all over the country) has also concluded that European ancestry is the predominant ancestry in Brazil, accounting for nearly 70% of the ancestry of the population: "We estimated individually the European, African and Amerindian ancestry components of 934 self-categorized White, Brown or Black Brazilians from the four most populous regions of the Country. We unraveled great ancestral diversity between and within the different regions [...] In all regions studied, the European ancestry was predominant, with proportions ranging from 60.6% in the Northeast to 77.7% in the South [...] In all regions studied the European ancestry surfaced as uniformly preponderant, with proportions of 69.7%, 60.6%, 73.7% and 77.7%, respectively".[88]
According to an often quoted autosomal DNA study (from 2003) focused on the composition of the Brazilian population as a whole, "European contribution [...] is highest in the South (81% to 82%), and lowest in the North (68% to 71%). The African component is lowest in the South (11%), while the highest values are found in the Southeast (18%-20%). Extreme values for the Amerindian fraction were found in the South and Southeast (7%-8%) and North (17%-18%)". The researchers noted the possibility that these conclusions could be skewed because they mostly come from economically well-to-do individuals who have registered for paternity tests. ""But an alternative explanation is that since the bulk of our sample is composed of individuals who could pay for paternity determinations, it may reflect the marked socioeconomic differentials that exist among people of different ethnic extraction in Brazil. Results of the last (year 2000) census of the Brazilian population showed marked economic differences associated with ethnic/color classification. The average monthly income of people self-defined as ‘‘black or brown’’ is about 60.0% (South region) to 51.3% (Southeast) of the amount reported by self-classified ‘‘white’’ persons. Thus, people in a better economic condition are mostly of European extraction, thus at least partly explaining the different proportions observed here and in other samples".[89][90]
Several other studies have suggested that European ancestry is the main component in all Brazilian regions. A study from 2002 quoted previous and older studies (28. Salzano F M. Interciêência. 1997;22:221––227. 29. Santos S E B, Guerreiro J F. Braz J Genet. 1995;18:311––315. 30. Dornelles C L, Callegari-Jacques S M, Robinson W M, Weimer T A, Franco M H L P, Hickmann A C, Geiger C J, Salzamo F M. Genet Mol Biol. 1999;22:151––161. 31. Krieger H, Morton N E, Mi M P, Azevedo E, Freire-Maia A, Yasuda N. Ann Hum Genet. 1965;29:113––125. [PubMed]), saying that: "Salzano (28, a study from 1997) calculated for the Northeastern population as a whole, 51% European, 36% African, and 13% Amerindian ancestries whereas in the north, Santos and Guerreiro (29, a study from 1995) obtained 47% European, 12% African, and 41% Amerindian descent, and in the southernmost state of Rio Grande do Sul, Dornelles et al. (30, a study from 1999) calculated 82% European, 7% African, and 11% Amerindian ancestries.[91]
Sérgio Pena, a leading Brazilian geneticist, summed it up this way:
"The correlation between color and genomic ancestry is imperfect: at the individual level one cannot safely predict the skin color of a person from his/her level of European, African and Amerindian ancestry nor the opposite. Regardless of their skin color, the overwhelming majority of Brazilians have a high degree of European ancestry. Also, regardless of their skin color, the overwhelming majority of Brazilians have a significant degree of African ancestry. Finally, most Brazilians have a significant and very uniform degree of Amerindian ancestry! The high ancestral variability observed in Whites and Blacks suggests that each Brazilian has a singular and quite individual proportion of European, African and Amerindian ancestry in his/her mosaic genomes". [92]
Brazil's racial base are its colonial-era population, consisting of Amerindians, Portuguese settlers, and African slaves:
The largest influx of European immigrants to Brazil occurred in the late nineteenth and early 20th centuries. According to the Memorial do Imigrante statistics data, Brazil attracted nearly 5 million immigrants between 1870 and 1953.[97][98] These immigrants were divided in two groups: a part of them was sent to Southern Brazil to work as small farmers. However, the biggest part of the immigrants was sent to Southeast Brazil to work in the coffee plantations. The immigrants sent to Southern Brazil were mainly Germans (starting in 1824, mainly from Rhineland-Palatinate, the others from Pomerania, Hamburg, Westphalia, etc.) and Italians (starting in 1875, mainly from the Veneto and Lombardia). In Southeastern Brazil, most of the immigrants were Italians (mainly from the Veneto, Campania, Calabria and Lombardia), Portuguese (mainly from Beira Alta, Minho and Alto Trás-os-Montes), Spaniards (mainly from Galicia and Andalusia) and smaller numbers of French (most came from the southern regions) and Dutch (from the Netherlands and Belgium).
Notably, the first half of the 20th century saw a large inflow of Japanese (mainly from Honshū, Hokkaidō and Okinawa) and Arab (from Lebanon and Syria) immigrants.
Races by regionHistorically, the different regions of Brazil had their own migratory movements, which resulted in racial differences between these areas. The Southern region had a greater impact of the European immigration and has a large White majority, which contrasts with the Northern and Northeastern regions, which have a large Pardo (mixed-race) majority. In Northern Brazil, the main racial contribution was of the native Amerindians, with a smaller European and African influence. In Northeastern Brazil, the main contribution was of Africans, with a smaller European and Amerindian influence. The Southeastern region of Brazil had a more balanced ratio of European, African and Amerindian admixture.[100] The Census of 2007 revealed that the self-reported White population had its higher proportion in the state of Santa Catarina (86.6%) and the lowest in Bahia (20.9%). The Pardo (brown) proportion was higher in Amazonas (72.4%) and lower in Santa Catarina (9.4%). The Black proportion varied from 15.7% in Bahia to 2.4% in Amazonas. Because of their small number, the Amerindian and Asian population were counted together and they had a higher proportion in Mato Grosso and Roraima (2.3%) and a lower proportion in Paraíba (0.1%).
SouthThe South of Brazil is the region with the largest percentage of Whites. According to the 2005 census,White people account for 79.6% of the population.[102] In colonial times, this region had a very small population. The region what is now Southern Brazil was originally inhabited by Amerindian peoples, mostly Pampeano, Guarani and Kaingangs.[103] In the early 18th century, only a few settlers from São Paulo were living there. This situation made the region vulnerable to attacks from neighboring countries. This fact forced the King of Portugal to decide to populate the region. For this, settlers of the Portuguese Azores islands were sent to the coast. To stimulate the immigration to Brazil, the king offered several benefits for the Azorean couples. Between 1748 and 1756, six thousand Azoreans moved to the coast of Santa Catarina. They were mainly newly married who were seeking a better life. At that time, the Azores were one of the poorest regions of Portugal. They established themselves mainly in the Santa Catarina Island, nowadays the region of Biguaçu. Later, some couples moved to Rio Grande do Sul, where they established Porto Alegre, the capital. The Azoreans lived on fishing and agriculture, especially flour. They composed over half of Rio Grande do Sul and Santa Catarina's population in the late 18th century.[104] [104] The state of Paraná was settled by colonists from São Paulo due to their proximity (Paraná was part of São Paulo until the mid-19th century). Black slaves were massively introduced into Rio Grande do Sul due to the development of jerky production, around 1780. By 1822, they have been reported as being 50% of Rio Grande do Sul's population; but this is most certainly an exaggeration.[105] This number decreased to 25% in 1858 and to only 5.2% in 2005. Most of them were bought from Angola, though this doesn't necessarily means that they were originally inhabitants of that region.[106] After independence from Portugal (1822) the Brazilian government started to stimulate the arrival of a new wave of immigrants to settle the South. In 1824 they established São Leopoldo, a German community. Major Schaeffer, a German who was living in Brazil, was sent to Germany in order to bring immigrants. From Rhineland-Palatinate, the Major brought the immigrants and soldiers. Settlers from Germany were brought to work as small farmers, because there were many land holdings without workers. To attract the immigrants, the Brazilian government had promised large tracts of land, where they could settle with their families and colonize the region. The first years were not easy. Many Germans died of tropical disease, while others left the colonies to find better living conditions. The German colony of São Leopoldo was a disaster. Nevertheless, in the following years, a further 4,830 Germans arrived at São Leopoldo, and then the colony started to develop, with the immigrants establishing the town of Novo Hamburgo (New Hamburg). From São Leopoldo and Novo Hamburgo, the German immigrants spread into others areas of Rio Grande do Sul, mainly close to sources of rivers. The whole region of Vale dos Sinos was populated by Germans. During the 1830s and part of the 1840s German immigration to Brazil was interrupted due to conflicts in the country (War of the Farrapos). The immigration restarted after 1845 with the creation of new colonies. The most important ones were Blumenau, in 1850, and Joinville in 1851, both in Santa Catarina state; these attracted thousands of German immigrants to the region. In the next five decades, other 28 thousand Germans were brought to Rio Grande do Sul to work as small farmers in the countryside.[107] Until 1914, it is estimated that 50 thousand Germans settled in this state. Another immigration boom to this region started in 1875. Communities with Italian immigrants were also created in southern Brazil. The first colonies to be populated by Italians were created in the highlands of Rio Grande do Sul (Serra Gaúcha). These were Garibaldi and Bento Gonçalves. These immigrants were predominantly from Veneto, in northern Italy. After five years, in 1880, the great numbers of Italian immigrants arriving caused the Brazilian government to create another Italian colony, Caxias do Sul. After initially settling in the government-promoted colonies, many of the Italian immigrants spread themselves into other areas of Rio Grande do Sul seeking further opportunities. They created many other Italian colonies on their own, mainly in highlands, because the lowlands were already populated by Germans and native gaúchos. The Italian established many vineyards in the region. Nowadays, the wine produced in these areas of Italian colonization in southern Brazil is much appreciated within the country, though little is available for export. In 1875, the first Italian colonies were established in Santa Catarina, which lies immediately to the north of Rio Grande do Sul. The colonies gave rise to towns such as Criciúma, and later also spread further north, to Paraná. A significant number of Poles have settled in Southern Brazil. The first immigrants arrived in 1869. From 1872 to 1959, 110,243 "Russian" citizens entered Brazil. In fact, the majority of them were Poles, since Poland was under Russian rule until 1917, and ethnic Poles immigrated with Russian passports.[108] SoutheastThe Southeastern region of Brazil is the ethnically most diverse part of the country. Southeast Brazil is home to the oldest Portuguese settlement in the Americas, São Vicente, São Paulo, established in 1532.[109] The region, since the beginning of its colonization, is a melting pot of Whites, Indians and Blacks. The Amerindians of the region were enslaved by the Portuguese. The race mixing between the Indian females and their White masters produced the Bandeirante, the colonial inhabitant of São Paulo, who formed expeditions that crossed the interior of Brazil and greatly increased the Portuguese colonial territory. In the late 17th century the Bandeirantes found gold in the area that nowadays is Minas Gerais. A gold rush took place in Brazil, and hundreds of thousands of Portuguese colonists arrived during this period. The confrontation between the Bandeirantes and the Portuguese for obtaining possession of the mines led to the Emboabas' War. The Portuguese won the war. The Amerindian culture declined, giving space to a stronger Portuguese cultural domination. In order to control the wealth, the Portuguese Crown moved the capital of Brazil from Salvador, Bahia to Rio de Janeiro. Thousands of African slaves were brought to work in the gold mines. They were landed in Rio de Janeiro and sent to other regions. No other place in the world had so many slaves, since the end of the Roman Empire.[110] In 1808 the Portuguese Royal Family, fleeing from Napoleon, took charge in Rio de Janeiro. Some 15 thousand Portuguese nobles moved to Brazil. The region changed a lot, becoming more European. In the last quarter of the 20th century, a huge wave of immigration came to Southeastern Brazil, attracted by the government to replace the African slaves in the coffee plantations. Most immigrants landed in the Port of Santos and were forwarded to coffee farms within São Paulo. The vast majority of the immigrants came from Italy. Brazil attracted nearly 5 million immigrants between 1870 and 1953. The large amounts of Italians are visible in many parts of Southeast Brazil. Their descendants are nowadays predominant in may areas. The arrival of immigrants from several places of Europe, the Middle East and Asia produced an ethnically diverse population. The city of São Paulo is home to the largest population of Japanese origin outside of Japan itself. [111] NortheastThe influx of immigrants in this region in the 19th century was much smaller than in Southern Brazil. By the way, since the late 19th century, thousands of people from this region move to the richest parts of Brazil, mainly São Paulo. The Portuguese settlers rarely brought women, which led to relationships with the Indian women. Later, interracial relationships occurred between Portuguese males and African females. The coast, in the past the place of arrival of millions of Black slaves from Angola, Nigeria and Benin to work in the plantations of sugar-cane, nowadays has a predominance of Mulattoes. Salvador, Bahia is considered the largest Black city outside of Africa, with over 80% of its inhabitants being African-Brazilians. In the hinterland, there is a predominance of Indian and White mixture.[112] NorthNorthern Brazil, largely covered by the Amazon rainforest, is the Brazilian region with the largest Amerindian cultural influence and demographic presence. Inhabited by diverse indigenous tribes, this part of Brazil was reached by Portuguese colonists in the 17th century, but it started to be populated by non-Indians only in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. The exploitation of rubber used in the growing automobile industry, caused a huge migration to the region. Many people from the Northeastern Brazil, mostly Ceará, moved to the Amazon area. The contact between the Indians and the northeastern rubbers created the base of the ethnic composition of the region, with its mixed-race majority. Central-WestThe Central-West region of Brazil was inhabited by diverse Indians when the Portuguese arrived in the early 18th century. The Portuguese came to explore the precious stones that were found there. As it was a far away region, very few African slaves were brought to this area. Who, in fact, worked as slaves in the gold mines were the local Indians. The contact between the Portuguese and the Indians created a mixed-race population. Until the mid-20th century, Central-West Brazil had a very small population. The situation changed with the construction of Brasilia, the new capital of Brazil, in 1960. Many workers were attracted to the region, mostly from northeastern Brazil. A new migratory movement started arriving from the 1970s. With the mechanization of agriculture in the South of Brazil, rural workers of that region, many of them of German and Italian origin migrated to the Central-West Brazil. References
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